Obama and Attila

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Obama recently made fun of those who question the validity of “green energy.” These skeptics, he joked, must have been members of the flat-earth society when Columbus set sail for the New World. Critics of his energy policies, the president implied, are irrational Luddites who oppose anything new.

As is often the case, the president failed to identify a fundamental difference between flat-earthers and “green energy” skeptics. The flat-earthers could not use government force to stop Columbus; Obama’s energy policies depend on government force.

Even if the vast majority of people believed that Columbus was doomed to sail off the edge of the earth, they couldn’t stop him. Columbus was free to act on his own judgment, and consequently, he proved the skeptics wrong. If Columbus had been wrong, the only people impacted would have been those who voluntarily associated with him.

Contrast that with Obama’s energy policy. Even if the vast majority of people think that he is wrong, Obama uses the coercive power of government to force us to support his polities. If he is wrong, which he is, everyone (except Obama’s cronies who received billions of our dollars) will suffer.

In a certain sense, Obama is right. One side of this debate is clinging to the past, but it isn’t the side that the president believes. Obama and his ilk believe that civilization can advance by using the methods of barbarians. He believes that brute force is a proper means for dealing with other individuals. In that regard, he is using the tactics of Attila.

The fallacy of “living wage”

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If the advocates of the “living wage” are truly convinced that arbitrary government dictates have no detrimental consequences on jobs, why don’t they advocate a “prosperity wage”? Instead of legislating a wage that allows families to “get by,” why don’t they legislate a wage that allows families to prosper? In other words, instead of a “living wage” of $10 an hour (or whatever the figure may be), why don’t legislators force businesses to pay $100 an hour?

One would think that the answer is obvious, but apparently it isn’t. Few, if any, businesses could afford to pay $100 an hour. They would not create new jobs, and they would likely cut most of the jobs that they currently have. The results would be catastrophic.

The difference between a “living wage” and a “prosperity wage” is only one of degree. The principle is the same. A “prosperity wage” would be devastating to jobs. So is a “living wage,” a minimum wage, or any other government mandated wage. The only difference is the number of jobs and lives destroyed.

The real issue is not the nominal wage—what a worker is paid. The real issue is real wages—what that pay will purchase. If a worker’s pay increases 10% but prices increase 20%, he is not better off. His money does not purchase as much. However, if his wages decrease by 10% while prices fall 20%, he can purchase more even though he makes less money.

To most Americans, the idea of falling prices probably seems like a fantasy. Prices for energy, health care, and food seem to increase almost daily. But consider computers, cell phones, and flat screen televisions—their prices have fallen significantly. And in the late 19th century, wages fell while prices fell even more.

Between 1870 and 1889, wages for non-farm labor decreased from $1.57 per day to $1.39 per day, a decrease of 10.2 percent. During the same period, the Consumer Price Index decreased 28.9 percent. Even though wages for unskilled labor fell by more than ten percent over twenty years, prices fell by nearly three times as much, that is, a dollar bought a lot more. Further, there was much more available: Canned goods became widely available in the 1880s, which provided a much more varied diet, such as fruits and vegetables that were not in season; refrigerated railroad cars made it possible for urban residents to eat fresh meat, grapes, and strawberries more frequently; improvements in the sewing machine enabled manufacturers to mass produce clothing at low prices; department stores offered consumers wide selections in clothing, household goods, and more. In short, the unskilled worker’s life was immensely better in 1889 than it had been in 1870. In a free market, this will always be the case.

The items that are rapidly increasing in price today are, in general, heavily regulated industries. Government intervention stifles innovation and makes production more expensive. The items that are falling in price are in industries that are less regulated, which means more innovation and greater ease of producing those values.

The fundamental issue is not wage rates, but productivity. When production increases, prices fall. This was true of kerosene, which the price of kerosene steadily decreased from fifty-eight cents a gallon in 1865 to ten cents a gallon in 1874. It was true of the Model-T, which decreased from $850 in 1908 to $290 in 1924. When prices fall, a consumer can purchase more of the given item, even if his own wages decrease. But why would a worker’s wage decrease. Again, the issue is productivity.

If a worker desires a higher wage, he must produce more in a given period of time. A farmer who uses only manual labor can only grow, for example, 100 bushels of corn a year. A farmer who uses animal labor can grow 1,000 bushels of corn a year. A farmer who uses machinery can grow 100,000 bushels of corn a year. As the farmer produces more his income increases.

The focus on wages reverses cause and effect. The focus on wages is a focus on consumption—what a worker can buy from his wages. But an individual cannot consume until he produces, unless he wishes to live as a parasite. Government intervention impedes production. Government intervention prevents individuals from starting businesses, creating jobs, developing new products or processes. Government intervention prevents individuals from acting on their own judgment.

If someone wants to offer a job with a pay of $2 an hour, he should be free to do so. If he cannot attract enough workers at that wage, he will need to offer more or go out of business. If a worker is willing to work for $2 an hour, why should anyone prevent him from doing so? If the business owner judges that a job is only worth $2 an hour, he should be free to act on his own judgment. If a worker judges that a job paying $2 an hour is his best opportunity, he should be free to act on his own judgment. Government intervention in the employer/employee relationship prohibits each from acting as he thinks best for his own life.

Like all advocates of government intervention, the advocates of a “living wage” believe that they know what is best for other individuals. They are willing to use government coercion to dictate how others may live their lives. Ironically, and sadly, while advocating a “living wage” they simultaneously seek to prohibit others from actually living.

Supply and demand in education

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In recent years, it has become increasingly popular to argue that government should be operated more like a business. As an example, a manifesto written by sixteen public school executives explains how to fix public schools:

Let’s stop ignoring basic economic principles of supply and demand and focus on how we can establish a performance-driven culture in every American school—a culture that rewards excellence, elevates the status of teachers and is positioned to help as many students as possible beat the odds.

Recognizing “basic economic principles of supply and demand” is a good place to start. But what is the essence of supply and demand? And how does it apply to our schools?

Wikipedia describes supply and demand as

an economic model of price determination in a market. It concludes that in a competitive market, the unit price for a particular good will vary until it settles at a point where the quantity demanded by consumers (at current price) will equal the quantity supplied by producers (at current price), resulting in an economic equilibrium of price and quantity.

How does this apply to schools? Let us first look at the nature of public schools.

Public schools are funded by taxes, which are extracted from parents and non-parents alike. Taxpayers have no choice in the matter—their money is taken by force and used for purposes they may or may not approve. For many parents, these taxes make private education for their children impossible. The absence of choice does not end there.

Parents who cannot afford private education or home schooling have little choice but to send their children to public schools. If they don’t, compulsory attendance laws could land them in jail. And, once their children are in school, they will be taught a curriculum chosen by politicians and educational bureaucrats, not the parents. For example, your children might be taught evolution, though you support creationism.

Every aspect of public education renders your judgment irrelevant. You are forced to pay for a service you may not want or need. You are forced to support the teaching of ideas with which you may or may not agree. If consumers and taxpayers have no choice, how can supply and demand apply to public schools? In short, it can’t. Public schools obtain both their funds and their customers by compulsion. They are divorced from market considerations, including supply and demand.

Public schools—and indeed, no government institution—can be operated like a business. The only way to improve our schools is to get government out of education. Our schools should not be run like a business, but as a business. Consider what this would mean:

  • Non-parents would not be forced to pay for the education of children who are not their own. If they so desire, they are free to provide financial assistance to anyone they choose.
  • Parents would not be forced to subject their children to ideas they find immoral. They would be free to select schools that teach the ideas and values they advocate.
  • Educators would not be compelled to meet the demands of educational bureaucrats and politicians. They would be free to meet the demands of the market.

A free market in education would create an abundance of choices for parents and students. Educators would have to compete for business by offering the curriculums that parents want. Indeed, this was the case in colonial America:

Historical records, which are by no means complete, reveal that over one hundred and twenty-five private schoolmasters advertised their services in Philadelphia newspapers between 1740 and 1776. Instruction was offered in Latin, Greek, mathematics, surveying, navigation, accounting, bookkeeping, science, English, and contemporary foreign languages. Incompetent and inefficient teachers were soon eliminated, since they were not subsidized by the State or protected by a guild or union. Teachers who satisfied their customers by providing good services prospered. One schoolmaster, Andrew Porter, a mathematics teacher, had over one hundred students enrolled in 1776. The fees the students paid enabled him to provide for a family of seven.

A privatized educational system gives parents and students meaningful choices. And it respects the moral right of each individual to act on his own judgment.

For decades, politicians and educators have suggested an endless stream of “reforms.” Yet, the performance of our schools continues to decline. It is time to truly allow supply and demand into education. It is time to abolish public schools.